They may be short on detail, but Opposition Leader Peter Dutton is charging ahead with two flagship policies that may serve Labor and ensure Albanese’s second term as PM. It may well come down to the Teals, reports Michael Pascoe.
The scenario: a minority government after the next election, as various polls forecast.
The question: in a close-run thing, to whom would the “Teals” give the keys to the Lodge?
The hypothesis: there are two Dutton policies that should force the genuine independents to select Albanese as Prime Minister.
The perversity: neither of those policies could be expected to appeal much to voters who weren’t already in the LNP camp.
May election likely
Slipping by without much attention last week was the government changing Budget Night to March 25, effectively confirming the early May election that has always been most likely. So seven months to win any hearts and minds that are not already committed.
The makeup of the crossbench will be different. Not all the community independents – to give Teals their official name – from the Class of ’22 may be returned (for starters, vale the scratched seat of North Sydney and, therefore, Kylea Tink) and there could be newbies. From here, though, it still looks likely that Teals will have the final say on who forms government. More on that later.
Enter stage right the two key LNP policies that should make it impossible for Teals to give Dutton the nod: nuclear power and housing.
The key common issues of the Teal wave in 2022 were climate, integrity, gender, and not being Scott Morrison, all based on a pledge of listening to and reflecting their communities’ concerns.
The nuclear “concept” of a plan
Dutton’s “concept of a plan” to build multiple nuclear reactors somewhere between a distant tomorrow and eternity – an excuse for extending fossil fuel burning and reducing investment in renewables – won’t and can’t wash with any Teal genuinely concerned about climate policy.
That will be underlined by the parliamentary inquiry into nuclear power, also announced by the government last week,
perhaps Labor’s smartest political move since improving the stage three tax cuts.
With the LNP still trying to make up some numbers to justify their policy and preferring to leave revealing them until just before the election to minimise analysis, the inquiry should bring forward their exposure. That could blunt the Trumpy tactic of flooding the zone with claims in the midst of the election campaign.
The committee, of course, will be dominated by Labor members tasked with validating the maxim: never hold an inquiry unless you already know the answers. The cross-bench also will be represented on the committee with LNP members a distinct minority running interference.
As Phil Coorey reported in the AFR ($):
“The move by the government is a ploy to expose on multiple fronts what it believes to be the unviability of nuclear power.
“If they’re not going to release the detail, we’ll do it for them,” a government member said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“The terms of reference include an examination of how soon a nuclear power plant could be operational; the cost of building and maintaining them, the storage and transportation of fuel and waste; the feasibility of using existing coal-fired power station sites and their power lines; federal, state, territory and local government legal and policy frameworks; and the impact of power prices.”
Generally forgotten is that we had a parliamentary inquiry into nuclear power only five years ago, chaired by the LNP’s Ted O’Brien, now the shadow energy spokesman tasked with selling Dutton’s nuclear gambit.
With the Coalition dominating that inquiry, the most O’Brien could come up with was that “nuclear energy should be on the table for consideration as part of our future energy mix”, not that we should go for it.
Then, like now, O’Brien was hoping small modular reactors might become a thing and other new large reactor technologies could be the economical go.
They respectively haven’t and are not, as subsequently demonstrated.
The only certainty about the LNP’s energy/climate policy is that it would delay efforts to reduce Australia’s carbon emissions. With climate denial strong in the party, the procrastinator’s golden rule rules: Put off to tomorrow what you don’t have to do today because you might get away with not doing it tomorrow.
There is no way Teals, in conscience, could choose such a policy. Climate 2000’s Simon Holmes à Court doesn’t call the Teals’ shots, but they couldn’t expect his support if they went with the deniers and sceptics.
The LNP housing “policy”
The second policy bridge too far is what might loosely be called the LNP’s housing policy – scrapping the Housing Australia Future Fund and increasing demand and prices by allowing the fortunate few to put $50,000 or $90,000 of their superannuation towards buying a home.
Housing politics hypocrisy challenge: Bragg, O’Neil, Chandler-Mather or Hume?
Housing wasn’t a central issue in the 2022 election. It is now. The Teals, like Labor and the LNP, are still trying to get a handle on the extent of the crisis and what might be done about it.
They are yet to grasp the essential reality of needing large-scale direct government involvement in providing housing in a broken market, specifically in reversing the decline in social housing availability, but there can be no appetite for Dutton’s promise to scrap the HAFF and the 30,000 community housing homes it will deliver.
The LNP’s opposition to everything other than private home ownership for those well-off enough to achieve it would guarantee the crisis worsens, inequality deepens, and our social cohesion deteriorates.
Labor’s existing housing policies aren’t enough, but halting the slide in public housing at least doesn’t exacerbate the problem.
From Main Street to Wall Street: is the HAFF housing scheme a gift to the money men?
Again, the Teals couldn’t be true to themselves and their communities by giving Dutton’s LNP the nod.
The minority government scenario?
The post-election negotiations will test the integrity of cross-bench members. The Teals of Liberal heritage – most obviously Allegra Spender in Wentworth and Kate Chaney in Curtin – might have to hold their noses to appoint a Labor government, but they would forfeit all personal credibility if they empowered fraudulent nuclear and housing policies.
The others – Monique Ryan, Zali Steggall, Helen Haines, Zoe Daniel, Sophie Scamps and, possibly post-May, Nicolette Boele in Bradfield – have their own professed standards to live up to. If they do, they won’t be empowering a minority LNP government.
Dutton’s own policies would make Albanese Prime Minister.
We may also assume that Bob Katter, Rebekha Sharkie ($) and Andrew Gee (if he is returned in Calare after quitting the Nationals over the Voice referendum) go LNP, while the Greens and Andrew Wilkie prefer Labor.
The self-declared opposite of a Teal, the former Liberal Dai Le ($) in the former Labor seat of Fowler, has never pledged herself on climate or anything else for that matter, winning by being an involved local and not the parachuted-in Labor candidate, Kristina Keneally.
Her gaffe in ignorantly suggesting the Lucas Heights research facility could generate electricity indicates she would not have a problem with the Dutton nuclear fantasy – unless the parliamentary inquiry convinces her otherwise.
Hardman Netanyahu a century out of date, feeding Dutton’s colonial narrative.
Michael Pascoe is an independent journalist and commentator with five decades of experience here and abroad in print, broadcast and online journalism. His book, The Summertime of Our Dreams, is published by Ultimo Press.